The End of the Anglo-American Order
For decades, the United States and Britain’s vision of democracy and freedom defined the postwar world. What will happen in an age of Donald Trump and Nigel Farage?
One of the strangest episodes in Donald Trump’s very weird
campaign was the appearance of an Englishman looking rather
pleased with himself at a rally on Aug. 24 in Jackson, Miss.
The Englishman was Nigel Farage, introduced by Trump as
“the Man Behind Brexit.” Most people in the crowd probably
didn’t have a clue who Farage —
the leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party —
actually was. Yet there he stood, grinning
and hollering about “our independence day” and the
“real people,” the “decent people,” the “ordinary people”
who took on the banks, the liberal media and the political
establishment. Trump pulled his face into a crocodile smile,
clapped his hands and promised,
“Brexit plus plus plus!”
campaign was the appearance of an Englishman looking rather
pleased with himself at a rally on Aug. 24 in Jackson, Miss.
The Englishman was Nigel Farage, introduced by Trump as
“the Man Behind Brexit.” Most people in the crowd probably
didn’t have a clue who Farage —
the leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party —
actually was. Yet there he stood, grinning
and hollering about “our independence day” and the
“real people,” the “decent people,” the “ordinary people”
who took on the banks, the liberal media and the political
establishment. Trump pulled his face into a crocodile smile,
clapped his hands and promised,
“Brexit plus plus plus!”
Brexit itself — the decision to withdraw Britain from the European
Union, notwithstanding the almost universal opposition from
British banking, business, political and intellectual elites — was
not the main point here. In his rasping delivery, Trump roared
about Farage’s great victory, “despite horrible name-calling, despite
all obstacles.” Quite what name-calling he had in mind was fuzzy,
but the message was clear. His own victory would be like that of
the Brexiteers, only more so. He even called himself Mr. Brexit.
Union, notwithstanding the almost universal opposition from
British banking, business, political and intellectual elites — was
not the main point here. In his rasping delivery, Trump roared
about Farage’s great victory, “despite horrible name-calling, despite
all obstacles.” Quite what name-calling he had in mind was fuzzy,
but the message was clear. His own victory would be like that of
the Brexiteers, only more so. He even called himself Mr. Brexit.
Many friends and experts I spoke to in Britain resisted the
comparison between Trumpism and Brexit. In London, the
distinguished conservative historian Noel Malcolm told me that
his heart sank when I compared the two. Brexit, he said, was all
about sovereignty. British democracy, in his view, would be
undermined if the British had to abide by laws passed
by foreigners they didn’t vote for. (He was referring to the
European Union.) The Brexit vote, he maintained, had little to do
with globalization or immigration or working-class people feeling
left behind by the elites.
It was primarily a matter of democratic principle.
comparison between Trumpism and Brexit. In London, the
distinguished conservative historian Noel Malcolm told me that
his heart sank when I compared the two. Brexit, he said, was all
about sovereignty. British democracy, in his view, would be
undermined if the British had to abide by laws passed
by foreigners they didn’t vote for. (He was referring to the
European Union.) The Brexit vote, he maintained, had little to do
with globalization or immigration or working-class people feeling
left behind by the elites.
It was primarily a matter of democratic principle.
Malcolm seemed to think that Brexit voters, including former
industrial workers in Britain’s rust-belt cities, were moved by the
same high-minded principles that had made him a convinced
Brexiteer. I had my doubts. Resentment about Polish, Romanian
and other European Union citizens coming to Britain to work harder
for less money played an important part. As did the desire to poke
the eye of an unpopular elite, held responsible for the economic
stagnation in busted industrial cities. And the simple dislike of
foreigners in Britain should never be underestimated.
More...
industrial workers in Britain’s rust-belt cities, were moved by the
same high-minded principles that had made him a convinced
Brexiteer. I had my doubts. Resentment about Polish, Romanian
and other European Union citizens coming to Britain to work harder
for less money played an important part. As did the desire to poke
the eye of an unpopular elite, held responsible for the economic
stagnation in busted industrial cities. And the simple dislike of
foreigners in Britain should never be underestimated.
More...
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